The criminal attacks by Jolani [al-Sharaa] and the old ISIS authority of “Hayat Tahrir al-Sham” (HTS), which is now operating under the name of the Syrian government, are indirect attacks by the Turkish state. This Aleppo attack is just one of the outcomes of Turkey’s dealings with America regarding Syria. This means leaving Sunni Islamist rule in Syria under the US military umbrella, while Turkey is free to intervene to tighten control of the borders of the Syrian Kurdistan administration (Rojava).
While the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have been of some use to the US in the past, this balance has now shifted, and the United States’ current priority is Jolani’s [al-Sharaa’s] government, not the SDF. Because Jolani can control ISIS-like forces, and this is necessary for the security of the US forces in Syria.
For Israel, control over western Syria is important, not eastern Syria. Given these changes in post-“Assad” Syria, Israel and the US can better implement their joint economic, security, and military projects with Saudi Arabia and the Arab and Gulf states. Therefore, neither side prevented the massacre carried out by Jolani’s old ISIS elements in Aleppo against the Kurdish neighbourhoods and civilians.
From the experience of the defeat in Aleppo, the SDF and the people of Rojava and Syrian Kurdistan must foresee the future of this plan by Turkey and Jolani, which seeks to control all of Rojava and have authority over Syrian Kurdistan.
Remaining under the shadow of the March 10 agreement and the discourse of minority rights is being presented, not as any kind of guarantee to secure the rights of the people of Syrian Kurdistan; rather, that agreement itself is a tool in the hands of these two forces, Turkey and Jolani, to carry out continuous attacks on Rojava under the pretext of implementing Article 4 of the agreement., which states “the integration of all civil and military institutions in north-eastern Syria within the framework of the Syrian state administration, along with border points, airports, and oil and gas fields.”
Turkey sees Western Kurdistan(Rojava) as part of its own “terrorism eradication” project, aiming to end any armed force belonging to the PKK in the region. The Turkish government, in the shadow of the instability in the Middle East and the new US map, is pursuing its regional expansionism. As a regional power in Syria and Iraqi Kurdistan and the region, it continues its military and political aggressions, and from here, it wants to remove the local military “terror” obstacles of the PKK in its path. Therefore, contrary to the propaganda of “Ocalan’s democratic solution,” the current Turkish state does not dream of democracy, but rather has made the dream of a regional empire the goal of this phase.
Jolani and his government, similar to the Shiite forces in Iraq that are Iran’s backyard, are also Turkey’s proxies. Therefore, the people of Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava)and the SDF must not be deluded by the illusion of the “Syrian peace and democracy project” and the “American alliance.” Linking the future of the west Kurdistan (Rojava) to Turkey’s “peace process” or becoming a rear base for Jolani’s state offers no future of peace or securing the rights of the working and struggling people of the west.
The tragedy of the Aleppo defeat brought this lesson to Western Kurdistan (Rojava) that the people of Syrian Kurdistan must work to formalize the authority they currently have as a de facto reality; otherwise, they will always face the repetition of this tragedy by brutal forces.
The strong point of the people of Rojava lies in their collective self-defence. This social force must have an independent plan for the political future of Syrian Kurdistan, so they can confront the projects and plans of Turkey and Jolani, which they have laid out to control Rojava. The people of Syrian Kurdistan and their resistance against these expansionist plans and their struggle for freedom deserve the support of all freedom-loving people of Kurdistan, the region, and the world. This event once again reveals the stance of political Islam in the Kurdistan Region, such as the Kurdistan Islamic Union, the Islamic Movement, and pro-Turkish and pro-Jolani clerics, and how these forces have stood on the side of the occupiers and against the freedom of the people of Kurdistan.
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